Abstract
The introduction of Pupil referral Units (PRUS) in England and Wales (1994) was intended to meet the needs of children who, mainly on account of their unacceptable behaviour, had been excluded from schools. Since then considerable attention has been directed towards the effectiveness and efficacy of this kind of segregation. This paper uses the views of the principal 'actors' in this ongoing debate (pupils, teachers, parents and education officers) to highlight some of the sharply different perspectives on the role of PRUS. These indicate both continued policy confusion and a somewhat bleak repetition of earlier, largely unsuccessful initiatives. The paper concludes with some proposals for action.
Introduction
The Green Paper, Excellence for all Children: Meeting Special Educational Needs (DfEE, 1997a) provided a synthesis of much of the previous debate concerning 'pupils with problems' in England and Wales. Moreover, it confirmed the priority being afforded to 'emotional and behavioural difficulties' (EBD), in that a complete chapter of the Green Paper, and the subsequent Programme of Action (DfEE, 1998), was allocated to its coverage - no other single SEN was particularised in this way. As Cooper (1999) has noted,
By recognising the fact that EBDs in schools may be the product of a wide range of factors - some within and some without the school - the way becomes open for the development of more comprehensive approaches which go beyond simple classroom management strategies, and to recognise the need for such approaches to be placed within a broader national and LEA-wide support structure. (p. 39)
It will be immediately obvious at the outset that provision of alternative formats of education in a segregated setting, as in the case of pupil referral units (PRUs)*, raises a policy paradox. To what extent is such provision commensurate with the spirit and letter of the Programme of Action, which emphasised inclusion for all?
PRUs are integral to the Behaviour Support Plans (BSPs) of most Local Education Authorities (LEAs) in England and Wales. Section 527A of the 1996 Education Act placed a duty on all LEAs to produce a BSP which sets out local arrangements for children who are regarded as having 'behavioural difficulties'. Each LEA was required to publish its BSP by 31 December, 1998. At the same time, however, the core function of BSPs was to be their role in promoting inclusion. Thus, Circular 1/98 identified educational inclusion as one of its policy aims, stating that
Many pupils with behavioural difficulties are educated within a mainstream setting with schools accessing support services as appropriate. The developing inclusive approach towards education for pupils with special educational needs, including those with behavioural difficulties, should result in this being the case for a greater proportion of such pupils where schools believe they are able to cope effectively with them (DfEE, 1998a)
Subsequent to these official initiatives the Secretary of State for Education and Employment has announced plans for the establishment of 'on-site' units for children and young people whose behaviour is deemed to be unacceptable (DfEE, 2000). This provision, within both primary and secondary mainstream schools, is intended to offer short-term respite and intervention for 'pupils with problems'. Coming at a time of vibrant development and debate about inclusion of all children, this provides a further example of the sharp differences between policy rhetoric and actual practice.
Such examples are also instances of a confused knee-jerk thinking regarding what one writer has regarded as the 'hard cases' for inclusion (O'Brien, 2000). Whilst we await evaluation studies of the emerging 'on-site' exclusion units, there is already data which suggests that there remain important question marks regarding the effectiveness of PRUs. Furthermore, those who are currently engaged as the main 'actors' in these settings (notably the pupils and the teachers) provide evidence of both resource-failure and policy paradox. These are the principal concerns of this paper. In attending to them I suggest that PRUs (and, by inference, on-site exclusion units) run contrary to the spirit of inclusion. They remain, in spite of some improvement - a replica of earlier, unsatisfactory segregated provision and stand as confirmation that, in these cases of many EBD children, inclusive thinking has yet to become embedded within practice.
The historical context
Provision for those young people who exhibit 'problem behaviour' has an unhappy tradition of inadequate funding, betraying the continued low-status of EBD within the educational hierarchy (Tomlinson, 1982). Thus, in spite of recent, much-heralded initiatives aimed (at least in terms of its rhetoric) at improving the educational opportunities of young people defined as having these 'problems' there is an underlying feeling of deja-vu, and a suggestion that PRUs merely replicate the unsatisfactory and discriminatory practices attempted in the recent past. In this respect PRUs bear some of the hallmarks of the 'off-site' units which became prevalent in England and Wales in the 1970s.
At that time a 'new' 'category' of child, who was termed 'disruptive', was created. This was accompanied by the establishment of extensive provision, usually in the form of euphemistically termed 'support-centres' or 'sanctuaries', which functioned as units separated from mainstream schools; such units became known in educational folklore as 'disruptive units'. Lloyd-Smith (1984) pointed out that 'The evolution of this policy, whilst being unsystematic, was both widespread and rapid, and by the end of the decade special units had become a commonplace feature of provision in most local education authorities' (p. 1). The growth in provision was apparent at a time of increasing public and professional concern, in part generated by the so-called Great Debate' about educational standards and particularly about discipline in schools (Lovey, Docking and Evans, 1993).
The characteristics of the kinds of facilities and opportunities, and the individual LEA policies which underpinned them, made available to 'disruptive pupils' during this time suggested a piecemeal and random pattern which verged on the eccentric (Lovey, Docking and Evans, op. cit.). Fuller accounts of the structure and educational arrangements of 'units' reveal that such provision often took the form of dumping grounds for difficult pupils (Mortimore, Davies, Varlaam & West, 1983). This situation was inclined to allow mainstream schools the opportunity to avoid responsibility for the problematic behaviour of some of their pupils. Moreover, it has been suggested that the institutionalisation of this group of young people has been a major contribution to their creation in the first place (Coulby,1984).
What followed, in the 1970s and the early part of the1980s, was the operation of a large number of segregated units which, according to both contemporary and more recent analysis, was largely inadequate and inequitable (Basini, 1981: Drew, 1990). Characteristically the 'off-site unit' for disruptive pupils comprised often poorly maintained accommodation (Dempster, 1989), largely informal modes of referral (Bash, Coulby and Jones, 1985), restricted and poorly resourced curricular opportunities (Garner, 1987), and frequently inexperienced, if well-meaning, teachers (DES,1989).
The 'son of the sanctuary' arrived with the publication of the govemment circulars collectively entitled 'Pupils with Problems' (DfE, 1994a - 1994e). These included Circular 11/94, which was largely devoted to the education of young people in pupil referral units (PRUs). The Circular recognised that units which had previously dealt with young people who had been excluded from school 'have until now had a dubious legal status'. Moreover, it confirmed the haphazard manner of referral adopted by many existing off-site units, stating that the 'How and why pupils are referred to units currently varies between LEAs, and between units and rarely seems to be determined by clear and consistent LEA policy' (para. 28). Accordingly, the Circular sought to promote the establishment of 'a new type of school (sic), to be known as a pupil referral unit' (para. 25). The Circular also indicated that existing off-site units will be henceforth termed PRUs.
The exclusion of 'problem pupils' from the mainstream and their placement in PRUs has had as much to do with the fact that this course of action would benefit other ('non-disruptive') pupils in schools. Circular 11/94 is fairly explicit in this respect, implying that it is the behaviour of such pupils which 'poses difficulties for schools', the inference being that the 'difficulties' will go away once the pupils are removed.
Moreover, the position of disruptive students in PRUs as being, in essence, in receipt of non-inclusive education remained worrying. This was a major issue of criticism in the case of off-site units in the 1970s. Circular 11/94 blandly asserts that the aim of PRUs should be 'to secure an early return to mainstream' (p.3). Evidence so far suggests that such good intentions are seldom brought to fruition, as subsequent pupil and teacher accounts from PRUs in this paper will illustrate.
Disruptive units: tales from the trenches
This part of the paper uses historical accounts from both groups in order to provide evidence that what was provided during the 1970s and early 1980s satisfied neither the needs of the pupils termed disruptive, nor the professional interests of their teachers. Much of the material has been reported elsewhere (see Garner, 1996). The accounts gathered provide stark witness to the increasing incongruity of providing a segregated schooling at a time when the philosophy for special education was in the process of establishing the principle and practices of integration. The section will, in consequence, typify the drawbacks of off-site provision in each of three crucial areas: resourcing and accommodation, referral and reintegration policies, and the status of both pupils and their teachers in relation to mainstream provision.
The data for this section was obtained between 1981 and 1984, when the author was working as a teacher in an off-site unit in central London (Gamer, 1987). Seven students and three teachers provided their views. These are identified by the suffixes OSS 1-7 (the students) and OST 1-3 (the teachers). Individual students were interviewed, using an informal discussion format incorporating 3 questions: (a) why were you sent here? (b) what is the worst sort of behaviour from a boy or girl in school? and (c) what type of school do you like best? These questions were used as 'foci' around which a series of related matters could be explored, with the likelihood that the young person's responses would reveal their beliefs about their current (off-site) experience. This 'neutral' strategy was utilised because direct questioning about particular characteristics may, conversely may have prompted single-word answers, or, at worst, comments designed to meet the needs of the interviewer rather than representative of the real views of the young persons involved. Comments have also been included from several teacher-colleagues, these having been extracted from a diary which the author maintained during the same period. In sum, the section outlines the views of young people and their teachers regarding their off-site experience in four areas. Each includes a synopsis of the views expressed and exemplars highlighting particular opinions:
(a) Resourcing and accommodation The poor level of resourcing and the often woefully inadequate accommodation housing off-site units in the 1970s and early 1980s have rapidly entered educational folklore. They have been officially recognised as being 'barren and uninviting' or, worse still, 'in serious disrepair' (DES, 1989). One student crisply summarised a situation which was common to many units: 'This place should be pulled down' (OSS 6), a view echoed by one of the teachers, who commented that '/ sometimes feel for the kids, especially in the winter and it's cold and the roof is leaking' (OST 3).
The unsatisfactory nature of off-site accommodation was referred to frequently during conversations with the students and their teachers. Often these establishments occupied redundant schools which were in a poor state of repair and in parts of inner-cities which could best be termed disadvantaged, with often high levels of property-related crime: 'Everything is falling to bits and people just make it worse with the vandalism and things' (OSS 5). Several, particularly in their natural habitat of metropolitan inner-city locations, were housed in ordinary terraced houses which remained unmodernised and, generally speaking, unsuitable for educational purposes. Little money was forthcoming from either central or local government for the refurbishment of the units, a state of affairs recognised by the teachers and students: 'We could do with some proper investment In the fabric of the place' (OST 1), The students attitude to the buildings was frequently uncaring: '/f it was a nicer place I think I'd respect it a lot more' (OSS 4).
There was, at the time, little understanding (in the case of excluded children at least) of the principle that funds should follow pupils. Curriculum resources, for example, were largely obtained by individual and ad hoc agreements between the unit and its feeder schools ('We had some discussion about a formal capitation allowance; in the main we survive on handouts OST 1). This left huge gaps in facilities, with both students and teachers having to make do with resources which were significantly less abundant or varied than their mainstream counterparts. This state of affairs was consistently referred to by the students, as the following comments suggest: 'We never get decent stuff like computers; they give us rubbish all the time' (OSS 1); 'We've got a library here, which is a joke name. The books are too old and I'm ashamed to read them' (OSS1 ) and ' We have a woodwork lesson - but that's the wrong name for it because they always make excuses not to let you work with good stuff (wood)' (OSS 3).
(b) Referral and reintegration policies These were often well-meaning, but remained chaotic and haphazard. There appeared to be few attempts at standardising referral and reintegration practices within individual LEAs. Often referrals were instantaneous, with a member of a senior management team contacting staff at the unit to let them know of the impending arrival of another new recruit. As one student observed, 'I was sent here by Mr____________; I think it was because I kept annoying him and he didn't like it' (OSS 6). The off-site teachers viewed the function of referral meetings with a high degree of cynicism:'The Unit teachers do contribute to the discussion on placement. but you tend to think that the decision has already been made' (OST 3).
This situation, which was common in the 1970s and 1980s, militated against effective curriculum planning. It also had serious implications for the overall balance of the unit's intake, a matter which was inclined to cause recurrent problems because of the small size of the unit and the high degree of interpersonal contact between those working within them. The teachers in such units were often the victims of their own guilt feelings, which often persuaded them to accept new referral, however inappropriate: 'We can never say 'no' to a pupil who has been excluded; we know that the unit is the only place he can got (OST 3).
Approaches to reintegration into the mainstream fared little better. There was a widely held belief that once a young person was referred out to an off-site unit s/he would seldom make a successful return to the school of origin: 'I came down here one day and they said this was where I was going to stay' (OSS 4). The official rhetoric has always been to the contrary, with OFSTED (1993) stating that 'Effective schools pay careful attention to the re-entry of any excluded children'. Both students and staff from the off-site units used in this paper were not optimistic of the chances of reintegration. they had a meeting and said I was out; I had to come to the sanctuary to cool off. I've been here ever since' (OSS 7).
Both students and teachers held mixed views about a return to the mainstream. A number of students welcomed the prospect of returning to their original school:'Sometimes I'd like to go back up there because I've got mates there' (OSS 4). But there was a widespread feeling of alienation to the mainstream from both students and teachers, a situation exemplified by such remarks as 'I go back three times a week for Art. Some of the teachers think I'm stupid' (OSS 6); 'Once I went back up with Miss____________and it only lasted half an hour; Mr__________(senior teacher) started on at me in front of some others, and I wasn't going to stand for that' (OSS 5), and 'I hate going up to __________(mainstream school) with one of the boys. I feel really threatened and on edge' (OST 1).
( c ) Pupil and Teacher status The 'disruptive' young people in off-site units, being assigned to a non-formal (and therefore low-status SEN), held firm beliefs about their place in the overall educational hierarchy. This was reinforced by what they saw around them: the poor state of repair of their unit, the inadequate curriculum facilities, and their perception of (some of) their teachers as little more than well-meaning social workers who lacked the status of their mainstream counterparts. Such beliefs only contributed to what, in many young people attending off-site units, was a chronically low self-esteem.
The students from the off-site units made copious reference to their mainstream school when explaining how they felt. Many expressed anger at the way in which others saw them, stating that 'When I go back up to_______(mainstream school) some of the teachers give me stick. They never let it rest' (OSS 4) and that 'They think I'm crazy just because of one or two things. Everyone is a bit mad when something bugs them' (OSS 2). It is noteworthy that several students in this study provided evidence of a degree of optimism in their own educational outcomes; this was usually associated with obtaining a place in further education: 'We're not going to get anywhere with all this. It'll be different when I get to college' (OSS1).
Their teachers, too, were inclined to identify with such negative impressions: '/ think this is just a kind of glorified child minding - it certainly wasn't what I'd trained for' (OST 2). Often they felt under- valued, a perception which was reinforced by their experience of referral/reintegration, where they considered that their viewpoint was seldom given appropriate weight in resulting decision making. The feeling, indicated by the off-site teachers' comments was that, compared with their mainstream colleagues, they were second-class citizens: 'I don't reckon I am viewed as a proper teacher by staff from and___________ (mainstream schools)' (OST 3).
Views from the PRUs
A series of unstructured conversations were conducted with students and teachers in two PRUs in the Greater London area during the spring term, 2000. These conversations followed a pattern established earlier, and reported elsewhere for a different set of respondents (Garner, 1999). Statements from ten students (indicated by the suffix PRS 10-19) and two teachers (indicated by the suffix PRT 3 or 4) provide the data in this present section. The intention of these conversations was to ascertain participants' views in those same three areas of concern as noted earlier in this paper for the off-site units.
(a) Resourcing and accommodation There is some indication of enhanced provision. By using a variety of central government funding sources, PRUs have been able to provide levels of resourcing and accommodation which outstrip those in the earlier offsite units. Notable areas of development have been in key curriculum areas (Science, Technology for example), as well as in ICT. Thus, one teacher felt that 'We are at long last being generously resourced. I think that our pupils have most of the opportunities that are open to those in mainstream settings' (PRT3). One of the pupils told of being encouraged to come to the Unit because 'It is cool here…we get all sorts of equipment and that makes learning fun…so I came every day mostly' (PRS14).
But in both instances the PRUs in question were located in unsatisfactory accommodation, one of which was a prefabricated building which was intended to be temporary on its erection in 1962. 'Our unit looks pretty shabby from the outside and I suppose it is not a very fitting location…cynically speaking I suppose it says it all, doesn't it?' (PRT4). This feeling was also shared by many of the pupils in these PRUs: 'I hate this building because it's old and needs attention' and 'Sometimes I get shamed because I come here because it's dirty and crowded' (both PRS18).
(b) Referral and reintegration policies The key aim of both of the PRUs studied in this section of the paper related to their role in enabling their students to return to mainstream schools. It is within this area that major difficulties arise. As with previous studies of PRUs (Garner, 1996) most of the students in the present study indicated a desire to remain in the PRU until they had reached compulsory school leaving age (16 years in England and Wales). This way of thinking could be explained in terms of the 'push and pull' theory. The students, in spite of expressed reservations about the quality of the accommodation provided for their PRU, felt a sense of belonging: 'This place is good a lot of the time because you don't get hassled and people understand you a lot more' (PRS13). One student indicated that 'I'd never survive in _______(name of mainstream school) because they'd pick on me…single me out…get me going, you know…so's I'd soon be kicked out' (PRS15). So, not only was the PRU acting in a positive manner in retaining its students in a 'segregated' setting (the 'pull'), but the local mainstream schools presented an ethos and orientation which the students felt were not conducive to their successful re-ntegration (the 'push').
These sentiments were largely shared by teachers in both PRUs. None of the teachers interviewed were hopeful of even small-scale re-integration, a view which was based partly on their own knowledge of the surrounding mainstream schools and partly on a degree of cynicism about the reintegration aim of their PRU. Mark (PRT3), for instance, believed that '…to reintegrate many of our kids approaches (some kind of) cruelty because they're set up too fail by the attitude of many mainstream teachers'. Dolly (PRT3) felt the same: 'I just want to protect our students from those attitudes…they're disgraceful really, and I want no part of strategies which look good on paper but I know simply won't be do-able'.
As with the PRU teachers surveyed in an earlier study (Garner, 1996, op. cit.) both of these respondents were dismissive and highly cynical of the concept of reintegration: 'I'm sick of both us and our students being used as political footballs. It is about time somebody had the guts to state what most people working in PRUs have known for years - these kids won't survive in the mainstream, and teachers there don't want them to' (PRT3).
( c) Pupil and Teacher status The conversations with both students and teachers in the PRUs provided furthera evidence that they felt both marginalised and under-valued. Whilst the students did articulate any evidence that such feelings contributed to a lowering of their self-esteem it seems sensible to suggest that this might well be the case. One student said that 'Teachers up there think we're nothing…just dirt, and so we can be messed about a lot and it doesn't matter much' (PRS12). Another respondent felt that 'If they ( mainstream teachers) really felt good about me and wanted to help me…they'd come down here more often. They won't come near here, because it's beneath them' (PRS11).
The teachers, by the same token, felt underrated in the work that they did. They were highly committed to the work they had opted to become involved in ('I'm really driven by this work…it is very important in the way I look at things, because it ids about injustice and about equality and all of those things I think we should hold dear' - PRT4). On the other hand there were worries about what others thought about their work and about their professional isolation and status: 'Most of the teachers at_________ and _________ (mainstream schools) seem to think of me as a kind of social worker…somebody who's not really qualified in an educational sense' (PRT3) and 'It gets tough some days because you haven't got too many people to bounce ideas off' (PRT3).
No new wine...only old bottles
The largely anecdotal accounts presented in this paper, drawn from both students and their teachers, suggest that little has changed in the lot of those who are 'on the margins' (Lloyd-Smith & Davies, 1996) of the normative educational provision in English schools. This is in spite of the high-profile development of inclusion as a core policy component in the last 3-4 years.
PRUs are required to function in a political climate in which can be mapped around two dominant but conflicting educational ideologies: the market orientation and inclusion. The effects of the 1988 Education Act in England and Wales, in which schools were given the choice to opt out of local authority control, have done much to promote a situation in which young people with special educational needs or difficult behaviour may not be seen as contributing positively to the performance of the school. Headteachers and governors may become less tolerant and more likely to exclude pupils presenting difficult behaviour from mainstream education.
There are also signs of a hardening attitude on the part of individual teachers towards students who misbehave (Bush and Hill, 1993). One depressing indication of this is the extent to which 'assertive discipline' (Canter, 1982), which assumes that if a student breaks a school rule (s)he must pay the consequences, has been ascendant in a form which does not allow individual rights and freedoms to be maintained The sanctions imposed in such regimes, often comprising public reprimands, do little to enhance the already shattered self-esteem of many problem students.
The collective wisdom of the great and the good over the last ten or so years has merely served to emphasise that 'disruptive' or problem pupils will always be seen as a threat, to be controlled either by overtly punitive regimes (like the lamentable Tory suggestion for the creation of the equivalent of US-style boot camps) or by platitudes and rhetoric, with little in the way of appropriate funding levels to secure more meaningful and long-term solutions to what, by any reasonable logic, should not be an intractable problem. There are currently ominous signs that the uncertain future for 'pupils with problems' may become even more tenuous, as they become a pawn in power struggles between teacher-unions and central government. Official and professional thinking continues to be locked in a time warp, the DfEE having successfully bottled the 'off-site formula' so that it may be sniffed again in Proustian vein. Plus ca change, plus ce meme chose. The inclusion agenda, if it is to be truly meaningful, has to take account of these paradoxes, so that 'pupils with problems' become something more than a rhetorical footnote in the debate. Figure 1, by way of conclusion, considers some points for debate/action.
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